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House of Representatives, 

September 10, 1850. 
Dear Sir : I have just received yours of the 2d instant, in which you 
state that " some of the Democracy charge that I prefer a dissolution of 
the Union to the passage of the bills of adjustment" which have recently 
become laws. 

Before the receipt of your letter, 1 addressed a communication to an- 
other constituent, a copy of which I send you, in which I have clearly 
" defined my position.' 1 

Finding that my opinions are misrepresented in other sections of the 
State, I have determined to print my letter of the 8th, and to circulate it 
among my constituents. 

Very respectfully and truly, 

E. C. CABELL. 
Dr. G. D. Fisher, Milton, West Florida. 



House of Representatives, 

Washington, September 8, 1850. 

My Dear Sir : 1 hoped to pass through the canvass now going on in 
Florida without having an issue with Major Beard, connected with the 
subject of slavery, but he has made one by avowing that he would "pre- 
fer a dissolution of the Union to the passage of the late Compromise Bill. 11 

The contingency has happened in which he is "for a dissolution of tht 
Union.''' 1 The Compromise Bill, in form, has not passed, but the various 
measures substantially embraced in the compromise have passed in separate 
bills. 

I agree with Major Beard that the people have a right to know the opin- 
ion of the candidates for their suffrages on a question so important. I, 
therefore, address you this letter, and request you to let my opinions be 
known in your neighborhood. I shall send a copy of this to different 
parts of the State, and have no objection to your publishing it. Indeed, 
I prefer it, my object being to let the people fully understand my position. 

Major Beard is for " a dissolution of the Union," because of the passage 
of the Texas Boundary, California, and Territorial Bills, which together 
make up the "Omnibus" or " Compromise Bill. J am not. The issues 
are, Union or Disunion. J am for the Union. Peace or war, / a 
peace ! 



1 would have voted against u the Compromise Bill," and did not vote 
for some of the separate bills, and for none till I had endeavored to secure 
for the South every thing which has been claimed for her. But I am not 
for going to war because of their passage. I have said that the " Southern 
people ought to resist hostile action of the Government." But there has 
been no such action. We have not obtained all which I think should have 
been granted to us, but no right has been taken away by the action of Con- 
gress. There is nothing in the Territorial Bills excluding us from the 
country. I think it clear that New Mexico is open to us. The great 
mass of the population being this side of the Rio Grande, and within the 
rightful jurisdiction of Texas, this being in fact almost the only civilized 
part of the Territory, must give the law to the rest. It cannot be said that 
Mexican law is in force in this Territory. As to Utah, the bill forming a 
government for that Territory was so satisfactory to the South that it re- 
ceived the vote of every Southern Senator, and had only fifteen Southern 
Representatives against it, and near two-thirds voted for the Territorial Bill 
for New Mexico. In both bills the Wilmot proviso was expressly repu- 
diated. A proposition to continue in force the Mexican laws against slave- 
ry was voted down ; and for the first time since the formation of the Go- 
vernment the principle has been expressly recognised that the people of 
all the Territories of the United States have the right to form constitutions 
for their State Governments with or without slavery, as they may elect. 
This principle was refused in the Texas annexation resolutions. It was 
there declared that slavery should be excluded from the States to be form- 
ed out of territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. This restriction has been 
repealed, and all the country north and south of 36. deg. 30 min. is thrown 
open to the people to exclude or authorize slavery in their State Consti- 
tutions as they may choose. This was the question which shook the 
Union at the time of the Missouri controversjr. The South has now 
achieved what it then failed to obtain. 

You know how bitterly Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, was denounced for 
defeating Mr. Clayton's Compromise Bill, which simply left it to the Su- 
preme Court to decide whether the Mexican laws excluding slavery re- 
mained in force in the acquired Territories. The whole Democratic pariy 
and a large portion of the Whig party of the South acquiesced in, and ap- 
proved the principles of " Clayton's Bill." Surely no candid man will say 
that the provisions of the Utah and New Mexican Territorial Bills, which 
extend the Constitution of the United States over the Territories and repu- 
diate the Wilmot proviso, are less favorable to the South than Clayton's 
Bill. We get all which that bill proposed to give us, and much more. 
The doctrine of non-intervention having been endorsed by nine-tenths of 



3 

the Southern people, and strenuously advocated by Mr. Calhoun We 
cannot justify a dissolution of the Union for these bills, even if 1 am mis- 
taken in the opinion that their provisions open the country to us. 

The boundary of Texas was in dispute. I believe her claim was good 
to the Rio Grande, but a large majority of the people of the United States 
thought differently. It was an open question, and a proper subject for 
compromise. The peace of the country was dependent on its adjustment, 
yet I refused to vote for any settlement till I first saw that the Southern 
people were not to be excluded by Congress with their property from any 
portion of the disputed territory. Believing that this bill, as amended, left 
the whole country in dispute open to us, I voted for the settlement of the 
boundary. The bill is satisfactory to Texas, the party most interested, 
and will have the effect to save us from a civil war. which seemed almost 
inevitable. I do not think the passage of this bill will justify us in at- 
tempting to overthrow our Government. 

The only other measure is the admission of California into the I nion. 
This I regard as one of the greatest outrages ever perpetrated. But it is 
an outrage upon all the Stales of the Union, not solely on the South. I 
condemn, in the most decided manner, the circumstances attending her ad- 
mission. But I doubt if the practical interests of the South would be pro- 
moted by remanding her to a Territorial Government. Ever since .Mr. 
L'olksent a regiment of a thousand New Yorkers to California, to be dis- 
banded there, the anti-slavery sentiment has been in the ascendant, and has 
been increased by accessions from the Northern States. If Congress had 
relused to admit California now, the same people would cure the outra- 
geous irregularities attending their application for admission, and proa d 
regularly to work and frame a constitution excluding slavery. The only 
effect would have been to postpone the matter for six or twelve months. 
Besides, the general opinion is, that the lower part of California, certainly, 
is unfit for a slave population ; at all events, it is clear that a'sufikdenl num- 
ber of slaves could not be carried to the country to influence a majority of 
the people, and it always has been, in my mind, a matter of questionable 
policy to divide the country, though 1 voted for a division in deference to 
the opinion of other Southern men. We should probably have two or 
more free States instead of one. But if it be true, as is stated by many. 
that slavery will be profitable in California, and the people there are not 
ially opposed to it3 introduction, they may, and 1 am sure, will amend 
their constitution, for slaves will always be earned where thej can be pro- 
fitably used. 

The question of a dissolution of the Union is now in the nan.;- oi the 
people. They must determine whether the doutful advantages attending 



the defeat of the California bill will justify forcible resistance to the Gov- 
ernment and consequent civil war. It is idle to talk about apeaceahle dis- 
solution of the Union. Civil war will inevitably ensue, and the stoutest 
heart must shudder at the bare contemplation of such a war. Yet I would 
not recommend my constituents to shrink from all its consequences if the 
Government had invaded or placed itself in hostility to any important con- 
stitutional right. I would not counsel my State to count the cost of main- 
taining its equality among the States of the Union. To be excluded from 
the common territory of the United States by Congress, would be a degra- 
dation to which our State would never submit, but I am sure, would " re- 
sist at all hazards and to the last extremity." But the exclusion of slavery 
from California is the action of the people there, met to form their State 
Constitution — not of Congress. Congress has the power to admit new 
States into the Union. I think it has been very unwisely exercised in 
this case. But I recommend the people of Florida to consider what they 
are doing, before they attempt to make war upon their Government because 
the people of California have thought proper to have an anti-slavery clause 
in their constitution. 

Now, let me suppose, my dear sir, that, for divers causes, you are in 
favor of a dissolution of the Union, is this the time or the issue on which to 
dissolve ? 

In the first place, to effect this object, the people of the Southern States 
must be united. For my own part, I doubt if we ever shall have union 
among ourselves. 1 have heretofore tried all in my power to bring it 
about, but certain and leading politicians of my State, professing to believe 
that u a crisis" was at hand, have shown that they are ready to distract 
and divide our country, to secure a pitiful party triumph, and such I fear, 
will be the case in other States. 

But supposing the people of Florida united in their purpose to dissolve 
the Union — with the exception of the State of South Carolina, they would 
stand alone. The»e will be considerale effervescence in Georgia, Alabama, 
and Mississippi; but to say the least, the people of those States are so 
nearly equally divided, that the efforts of the disunionists will be paralyzed. 
You can't get the Southern people to resist the action of their Government 
on account of measures which have been carried by the votes of Southern 
men. The records show that nearly two-thirds of the Southern delegation 
voted for the Territorial bills and for the adjustment of the boundary of 
Texas ; and even for the admission of California there was very near one- 
third of the Southern vote. 

You may believe that a dissolution of the Union is, per se, a desirable 
thing for the South. I will not argue this point, and I am not prepared to 



say that it would not be to the interest of the Southern States to form a 
separate confederacy, if they first make preparations to maintain their in- 
dependence, and could all get out of the Union peaceably, and stay out. 
peaceably, which is impossible. But in what condition would Florida 
and South Carolina be, if we go to work now to dissolve ? As I have 
stated in my printed circular, we are almost entirely dependent on the 
North. We manufacture almost nothing — we have not a ship — no organi- 
zation of any sort. The thing is ridiculous. If you want to sever your 
connection with the Northern States, of whose conduct we have so much 
cause to complain, urge your neighbors and all the people to set about 
making themselves independent. This they should do without reference 
to a dissolution of the Union. I hope that not only my State, but all the 
Southern States will adopt the suggestions of my circular. 

This letter is already too long. I have said enough to let you see that 
I differ from Major Beard as to the propriety of dissolving the Union. If 
I were in favor of a dissolution of the Union now, I would not think of 
being a candidate for the Federal Congress, to which, if elected, I should 
have to take an oath to support the Constitution of a Government I was 
exerting myself to overthrow. I would spurn connexion with a Govern- 
ment I wanted to destroy, and would proceed to rally the people of my 
State and the South to form a separate and independent Republic. 

Major Beard has gone further even than the hot-headed South Carolinian, 
(Mr. Rhett,) who has avowed himself in favor of '• temporary secession.'''' 

Mr. Rhett would get back, after a while, if he can; but Major Beard 
would go out, never to return. This- .gentleman is a conscientious man, 
and would not trifle on so grave a subject. I am sure he is in earnest, and 
is influenced by ardent attachment to the South. I respect his opinions, 
but think that in this case his zeal for Southern rights has run ahead of his 
discretion. I think he misunderstands the sentiments and wishes of the 
people of Florida, and their true interests. But we shall soon sec. Those 
i/7/o vote for him vote to dissolve the Union for measures which, all to- 
gether, I believe satisfactory to a large majority of the Southern people, 
and which are more favorable than I ever expected to get for the South. 
I have already expressed my opposition to California, and have given my 
opinion of the other bills. So far from believing them cause for dissolu- 
tion, I think that, as to the Territories, the South has achieved a great tri- 
umph. I and four other Southern Whigs were denounced all over the 
Union as agitators, faction is ts, and disunionists, because we asked our part) 
to adopt a resolution simply declaring that "Congress ought nol lo pass a 
law prohibiting slavery in the Territories." Congress has now come on 
our platform. At the beginning of the .session there was a majority of 20 



for the application of the " Wilmot proviso" to the Territories; now, Mr. 
Wilmot's ''occupation is gone." The proviso was scouted out of the 
House of Representatives ; agitation is at an end, and fanaticism rebuked. 
This great good lias resul ted from a course which so many of my political 
friends condemned. They must now see its policy and propriety. 

I observe Major Beard is severe on the Administration for ordering the 
troops out of Florida to " whip Texas," as he says. Now it is not true, 
as has been reported, that the troops, or any part of them, except those 
who left some time ago, have been ordered out of the State ; and the anxi- 
ety which Mr. Fillmore has evinced for a fair adjustment of our difficulties 
shows that he was far from desiring a conflict with the Texan people. 
There are doctrines in the President's Message against which I solemnly 
protect, but the message shows an ardent wish for ah equitable settlement 
of all the slavery questions, and I can honestly say that no JYortMrn man 
is, or has been, more anxious to do full justice to the South than Mr. Fill- 
more. He is, on this account, at open war with Seward and his abolition 
clique. 

But if Major Beard is in earnest in recommending a dissolution of the 
Union, and a consequent war with the Federal Government, it seems to 
me he ought to desire to get the Federal troops out of the country as soon 
as possible. It is as much as our people can do to defend themselves 
against the Indians ; their situation would be deplorable if they had to 
fight the troops of the United States besides. Before we dissolve, common 
prudence would dictate to us to get all the Government soldiers out of the 
State; and should Major B. be elected, the first thing he should do, with 
his views, would be to have every soldier withdrawn ; and when he comes 
to take his seat in Congress, he cannot, with any grace, or expectation of 
success, ask legislation for his constituents from a Government which he 
has pledged himself to endeavor to overturn ; certainly, he cannot ask to 
have more Federal troops sent to Florida. 

I must conclude this long letter. I express no opinion of the propriety 
of the one-sided canvass which is going on in my absence in the public ser- 
vice. This is a mere matter of taste. I know my interest would be ad- 
vanced by my presence among my constituents, but I cannot reconcile it 
to my sense of duty to absent myself from Congress. 

Having disposed of the slave questions, 1 hope that some time will now 
be given to the real interests of the country. I shall remain here, and en- 
deavor to procure the payment of our volunteers for their services at 
various times, and the passage of the soldier bounty land bill, the swamp 
and railroad bills, and others in which my constituents are interested. 1 
shall rely on you and other friends to represent me in my absence. I have 



no doubt of my election, and shall be disappointed if I do not get a larger 
majority than ever before. You will bear of disaffection of ray ftiends in 
far-off places. Tins is a trick of politicians. You recollect tbey said to 
tbe people of Middle and West Florida that Gov. Duval would k> sweep tbe 
East," and alarmed my Eastern friends by the destruction the worthy 
Governor would make in the Whig ranks in the Middle and West. But 
you know the result. Here and there may possibly be a disappointed 
office seeker who will feign some pretext for voting against me, but his 
motives will be too apparent to give his opposition any influence. 1 will 
venture my election that there are not five men in the State, who formerly 
supported me, who will go against me now, except those who are dissatis- 
fied with some appointment made, or supposed to be made, through my 
influence. This is the natural consequence of my connexion with the 
administration. I believe there are very few such among my supporters. 
I know there are none who have just cause of complaint. 

Congress will probably adjourn the last day of the month — too late for 
me to canvass any part of the State. I shall try to get home to the elec- 
tion. Yours, very truly, 

E. C. CABELL. 

P. S. September 9th. The Bill, fixing the Boundary of Texas, and 
erecting a Territorial Government for New Mexico, as amended by the 
House of Representatives, has just passed the Senate, with only one South- 
ern vole, Thomas II. Benton, against it Shall we dissolve the Union on 
account of a law which every Southern Senator voted for or acquiesced in 
except THOMAS HART BENTON ? 




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